This report includes two tables: Table 1 indicates which delegates likely owned slaves, and Table 2 indicates which likely did not own slaves (at the time of the convention). The development of this report occurred over a period of several days due to multiple review cycles with respect to those two tables. During the review cycles, we provided Gemini with any research that may contradict Gemini's initial findings, and allowed Gemini to draw the final conclusions. Gemini's conclusions were substantially consistent with ours to the extent we were able to find enough information to make an assessment.
The title and text of the report were created entirely by Gemini; we did not attempt to modify that. Our focus was limited to helping Gemini reach the correct conclusions with respect to whether each of the delegates owned slaves. Though this report appears to be fairly exhaustive, we do not assert that it is definitive, as it may not be possible to ever create a fully definitive assessment of this subject. Presumably this report could be improved upon with the application of additional academic rigor in combination with accessing historical resources that were unknown to us and unavailable to Gemini. That not withstanding, this summary should provide a very good approximation of the status of the delegates, relative to slavery, at the time of the convention. (All the footnotes are provided at the end of the report.)
The 1787 Constitutional Convention: A Comprehensive Analysis of Delegate Slave Ownership, Stances, and Nuances
Executive Summary
The 1787 Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia brought together 55 delegates to address the deficiencies of the Articles of Confederation and establish a more robust federal government. Understanding the delegates' relationship with slavery, specifically their direct ownership at the time of the Convention and their stances on the institution, is crucial for comprehending the foundational compromises of the United States. While precise and definitive data for all delegates remains a historical challenge, this report categorizes delegates based on the certainty of their slave-owning status in 1787, distinguishing between confirmed owners, likely owners, uncertain cases, and non-owners (including those who had manumitted slaves by or during the Convention, and those with only indirect financial ties to enslaved labor).
A significant number of delegates were indeed direct slave owners at the time, particularly from Southern states. However, many of these individuals, along with non-slave-owning delegates, expressed varying degrees of moral qualms, advocated for restrictions, or took steps toward emancipation. The ultimate compromises in the Constitution — the Three-Fifths Compromise, the Slave Trade Clause, and the Fugitive Slave Clause — reflect a complex interplay of economic interests, moral considerations, and a prevailing prioritization of national unity over the immediate or universal abolition of slavery. The aim is to illuminate the extent to which delegates were committed to the perpetuation of slavery versus being opposed to or conflicted about it in 1787.
1. Introduction: The Constitutional Convention and the Enduring Question of Slavery
The Constitutional Convention of 1787, held in Philadelphia, was convened with the explicit purpose of addressing the deficiencies of the Articles of Confederation and establishing a more effective federal government for the nascent United States. While the abolition of slavery was not an explicit item on the agenda, the institution became an unavoidable and central point of contention throughout the proceedings, particularly highlighting the deep divisions between the Northern and Southern states.[^1][^2][^3] The economic and social fabric of many states, especially in the South, was inextricably linked to enslaved labor, making any discussion of national governance inherently intertwined with the question of human bondage.
Categorizing the delegates definitively as "slave owners" or "non-slave owners" at the precise time of the Convention is a complex undertaking fraught with historical challenges. The nuances of ownership varied significantly; some delegates directly owned large plantations with hundreds of enslaved individuals, while others might have held only a few household servants, or had indirect financial interests in slave-operated enterprises.[^4][^5] Furthermore, personal views and actions evolved over time, with some individuals who had previously owned slaves later taking steps toward emancipation or becoming abolitionists.[^6][^7][^8][^9][^10][^11][^12][^13]
The historical record itself is not always complete or consistent, leading to contradictory information across different sources regarding the slave-owning status of certain figures, such as Alexander Hamilton [^14][^15] and Abraham Baldwin.[^5][^16] This historical ambiguity underscores the ongoing scholarly debate and the nuanced nature of historical research into this period.
This report aims to provide greater clarity on the certainty of slave ownership in 1787, acknowledging that precise quantification of probability is often not feasible given the available historical data, but qualitative distinctions can be made. For the purpose of this analysis, "slave owner" refers to direct ownership of enslaved individuals in 1787, while indirect financial interests are noted separately for non-owners.
2. Slave Ownership Among Constitutional Convention Delegates in 1787
The presence of direct slave owners among the delegates to the 1787 Constitutional Convention was substantial, reflecting the widespread nature of the institution across the states, particularly in the South. Estimates regarding the exact number of delegates who owned enslaved people in 1787 vary among historical sources, generally ranging from "about 25" to "nearly half" of the 55 delegates.[^2][^17][^18][^19] This report focuses on providing a certainty level for each delegate's status, based on available historical evidence.
The deep integration of slavery into the economic and social fabric of the nascent nation is underscored by the sheer number of delegates identified as slave owners, particularly those from Southern states. For these delegates, the continuation of slavery and the slave trade was often not merely a private matter but a fundamental political and economic pillar, directly influencing their participation and demands at the Convention. Figures like Charles Pinckney and John Rutledge openly linked the continuation of slavery and the slave trade to their states' willingness to join the Union, demonstrating that the institution was a non-negotiable condition for their participation.[^1][^3][^20][^21] This dynamic reveals the immense power wielded by slaveholding interests, forcing compromises that were deemed necessary for the formation and survival of the United States.
It is important to note that the category of "slave owner" was not monolithic; it encompassed a wide range of involvement and evolving personal views. Some individuals listed as slave owners took steps toward manumission or expressed moral qualms, even if they retained ownership in 1787. This table primarily lists those for whom there is confirmed or likely evidence of direct slave ownership at the time of the Convention.
Table 1: Delegates Identified as Direct Slave Owners at or Around the 1787 Constitutional Convention
| Delegate Name | State | Certainty of 1787 Ownership | Estimated Number/Type of Slaves (if specified) | Key Stance/Action on Slavery in 1787 (relevant to perpetuation/opposition) | Source Snippet IDs |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Johnson, William Samuel | Connecticut | Confirmed | At least 20 enslaved people mentioned in correspondence | Owned slaves in 1787; opposed slavery and supported abolition. | [^16][^36][^75][^76] |
| Bedford Jr., Gunning | Delaware | Confirmed | Slave owner (listed as such) | Owned slaves in 1787; was a leading advocate for the abolition of slavery. | [^5][^55][^56] |
| Broom, Jacob | Delaware | Confirmed | One slave (according to later census) | Owned one slave in 1787 despite signing an abolition petition. | [^32][^4.1][^4.2] |
| Read, George | Delaware | Confirmed | Slaveholder | Owned slaves in 1787; explicitly described as a slave owner in historical records. | [^33][^5][^5.1][^5.2] |
| Baldwin, Abraham | Georgia | Uncertain | Not definitively known; some speculation he did not own slaves, though one source refers to him as an "enslaver." | Disapproved of slave trade; voted for prohibition of slavery in Northwest Territory; but argued slavery was a "local nature" issue for Georgia. | [^16][^34][^68][^91] |
| Few, William | Georgia | Likely | Owned slaves (other historical sources confirm) | Owned slaves in 1787; voted for prohibition of slavery in Northwest Territory (a vote against its expansion). | [^34][^6.1] |
| Houstoun, William | Georgia | Confirmed | Planter and slave owner | Owned slaves in 1787. | [^35] |
| Pierce, William | Georgia | Confirmed | Planter and slave owner | Owned slaves in 1787; explicitly stated as a "planter and slave owner." | [^54][^7.1] |
| Carroll, Daniel | Maryland | Confirmed | Nearly 300 | Owned slaves in 1787; acknowledged slavery as "a great evil." | [^37] |
| Jenifer, Daniel of St. Thomas | Maryland | Likely | 78-80 (in 1798/1811, implying ownership in 1787) | Owned slaves in 1787. | [^39] |
| Martin, Luther | Maryland | Confirmed | Owned six people | Owned slaves; argued slave trade was "inconsistent with principles of the revolution" and should be federally regulated. | [^1][^2][^16][^18][^30] |
| McHenry, James | Maryland | Likely | 10 at death (1818, implying ownership in 1787) | Owned slaves in 1787. | [^40] |
| Mercer, John Francis | Maryland | Confirmed | Operated estates using enslaved labor (from 1785) | Owned slaves in 1787; later voted against the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793. | [^38] |
| Brearly, David | New Jersey | Uncertain | Slave owner (conflicting info; some sources list him, others don't explicitly confirm 1787 ownership with detail) | Listed as a slave owner in some sources, but specific details or counter-evidence not provided. | [^5][^59][^60][^22] |
| Dayton, Jonathan | New Jersey | Confirmed | Slave owner | Owned slaves in 1787; supported toleration of slavery in new territories. | [^41] |
| Hamilton, Alexander | New York | Confirmed | Purchased for self/others; family had enslaved servants | Evidence suggests he purchased enslaved people for himself and others, despite being a prominent member of an anti-slavery society. | [^5][^15] |
| Lansing Jr., John | New York | Confirmed | Handful of household slaves | Owned a handful of household slaves in 1787. | [^47] |
| Yates, Robert | New York | Confirmed | Small number of house slaves | Owned a small number of house slaves in 1787. | [^48] |
| Blount, William | North Carolina | Confirmed | Owned slaves, large land speculator | Owned slaves in 1787; a planter and land speculator. Documented ownership of at least 26 enslaved people by 1797. | [^80][^81][^82][^83] |
| Davie, William Richardson | North Carolina | Confirmed | Slave owner | Owned slaves in 1787; helped shape the Three-Fifths Compromise. | [^43] |
| Martin, Alexander | North Carolina | Confirmed | Slave owner (listed as such) | Owned slaves in 1787. | [^44][^5] |
| Spaight, Richard Dobbs | North Carolina | Confirmed | 71 in 1790, 89 at death (implies ownership in 1787); extensive enslaver | Owned slaves in 1787; led efforts to remove Jefferson's proposed ban on slavery from Northwest Ordinance (indicating support for perpetuation). | [^42] |
| Butler, Pierce | South Carolina | Confirmed | Prominent slave owner and advocate for slavery protections. | Owned slaves; strongly advocated for the Fugitive Slave Clause and protection of slave property. | [^1][^73] |
| Pinckney, Charles (The younger cousin) | South Carolina | Confirmed | Plantation owner, slaveholder (hundreds) | Owned slaves; staunch defender of slavery; insisted SC would not join Union if slave trade prohibited; argued for counting enslaved people fully. | [^1][^3][^5][^17][^21][^31][^22] |
| Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth | South Carolina | Confirmed | Approx. 250 in 1801 (implies ownership in 1787) | Owned slaves; believed slavery necessary for SC economy; agreed to 1808 slave trade ban but opposed emancipation. | [^1][^3][^4][^5][^17][^31][^22] |
| Rutledge, John | South Carolina | Confirmed | 28 after Revolution, 1 at death (1800) (implies ownership in 1787) | Owned slaves; asserted "Religion and humanity have nothing to do with this question" regarding slave trade; key in preventing abolition. | [^1][^2][^3][^4][^5][^17][^18][^20][^31][^22] |
| Blair, John | Virginia | Confirmed | Owned several slaves; inherited slaves | Owned slaves in 1787; a slaveholder and farmer. | [^77][^78][^79] |
| Madison, James | Virginia | Confirmed | Over 100 at Montpelier | Owned slaves; expressed moral qualms, supported manumission legislation and colonization, but never freed his own slaves in his lifetime. | [^26][^27] |
| Mason, George | Virginia | Confirmed | Hundreds of slaves | Owned slaves; spoke strongly against slavery and the slave trade, calling it an "infernal traffic"; refused to sign Constitution partly due to slavery protections. | [^1][^2][^3][^16][^18][^28][^29] |
| McClurg, James | Virginia | Likely | Believed to have owned slaves | Believed to have owned slaves in 1787. | [^57][^58] |
| Randolph, Edmund | Virginia | Confirmed | Slave owner | Owned slaves in 1787; seconded motion to tax imported slaves, suggesting a pragmatic approach to the trade. | [^23][^45] |
| Washington, George | Virginia | Confirmed | Hundreds at Mount Vernon | Owned slaves; became hostile to slavery, wished for legislative abolition; freed all enslaved people in his will (after 1787). | [^11] |
3. Delegates Who Did Not Own Slaves in 1787
This section focuses on delegates for whom there is no evidence of direct slave ownership in 1787, including those who had manumitted enslaved people by or during the Convention, and those whose only connection to slavery was through indirect financial interests.
The delegates identified as non-slave owners largely hailed from Northern states, a region where the institution of slavery was gradually being abolished through legislative action. For instance, Pennsylvania was the first state to begin the process in 1780, followed by Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island.[^3][^6] This regional difference played a crucial role in shaping the debates and compromises at the Convention. While some non-slave-owning delegates expressed strong moral condemnation of slavery, others adopted a more pragmatic stance, acknowledging the moral issue but prioritizing the formation of a unified nation and avoiding direct interference with state institutions. This highlights that "opposition" to slavery was not a monolithic position and was often tempered by political expediency and the desire for national cohesion.
Table 2: Delegates Identified as Non-Slave Owners at the 1787 Constitutional Convention (and their relationship to slavery)
| Delegate Name | State | Certainty of 1787 Non-Ownership | Basis for Status / Relationship to Slavery | Key Stance/Advocacy in 1787 | Source Snippet IDs |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sherman, Roger | Connecticut | Confirmed | 1790 Census shows no slaves; described as an opponent of slavery who sought to prevent Southern states from gaining political power through slave representation. | Opposed slavery personally; disapproved of the slave trade but prioritized union; advocated for counting only free inhabitants for representation. | [^16][^23][^46][^52][^53][^1.1][^2.1][^3.1] |
| Ellsworth, Oliver | Connecticut | Confirmed | Explicitly stated he "never owned a slave"; from Connecticut, which had provision for abolishing slavery. | Believed slavery would eventually diminish; advised against federal intervention, leaving it to states. | [^16][^23][^22][^1.2][^1.5] |
| Bassett, Richard | Delaware | Confirmed (Manumitted in 1787) | Owned slaves at the start of 1787; freed his slaves after converting to Methodism in 1787. | Campaigned for abolition in Delaware. | [^10][^25][^4.1] |
| Dickinson, John | Delaware | Confirmed | Manumitted all his slaves in 1786. | Opposed any constitutional authorization of slave importation. | [^8][^16][^25] |
| Gerry, Elbridge | Massachusetts | Confirmed | Listed as non-slaveholder; Massachusetts had effectively abolished slavery by 1783. | Opposed Three-Fifths Compromise and slavery itself. | [^65][^67] |
| Gorham, Nathaniel | Massachusetts | No Evidence of Ownership | No evidence of direct slave ownership in provided sources; from Massachusetts, which had effectively abolished slavery. | Pragmatic; focused on economic implications for Massachusetts. | [^5][^53][^69] |
| King, Rufus | Massachusetts | Confirmed | Massachusetts had effectively abolished slavery by 1783; consistently opposed the expansion of slavery. | Strong anti-slavery; found slave representation "grating"; argued slavery made nation less secure. | [^16][^38][^49][^53] |
| Strong, Caleb | Massachusetts | Confirmed | Described as an abolitionist; Massachusetts had effectively abolished slavery by 1783. | Personal stance was abolitionist; from a state with effective abolition. | [^64][^65][^66] |
| Gilman, Nicholas | New Hampshire | Confirmed | 1790 New Hampshire census shows no slaves. While some sources claim he owned a slave named Peter, the direct census data for 1790 indicates no ownership. | Voted for act prohibiting slavery in northwestern United States (a vote against expansion). | [^49][^8.1][^17.1] |
| Langdon, John | New Hampshire | Confirmed | Grew up in a slave-owning family, but likely never inherited slaves or had already emancipated them; treated enslaved individuals as paid domestic servants by 1783. | Wanted Congress to have power to ban the slave trade, not trusting Southern states to do so voluntarily. | [^1.1][^1.3][^1.7] |
| Houston, William Churchill | New Jersey | No Evidence of Ownership | No evidence of direct slave ownership in provided sources. A book claims he owned slaves, but there is no census data for 1790 in New Jersey to corroborate. | Expressed opposition to slavery; recommended heavy taxation on slavery. | [^63] |
| Livingston, William | New Jersey | Confirmed (Manumitted during 1787) | Owned slaves at the start of 1787; freed Bell and Lambert in 1787. | Member of New York Manumission Society; tried to pass emancipation laws in New Jersey. | [^24] |
| Paterson, William | New Jersey | No Evidence of Ownership | No evidence of direct slave ownership in provided sources. | Pointed out the "shame" associated with the term "slaves" in the Articles of Confederation. | [^62] |
| Clymer, George | Pennsylvania | Confirmed | Inherited one enslaved person as a child (age 7) who died shortly after; no direct ownership in 1787. | Actively opposed slave trade; unsuccessfully attempted to regulate slave importation; supported an "export tax" (indirectly taxing slavery). | [^75][^84][^85][^86] |
| Fitzsimons, Thomas | Pennsylvania | Confirmed | Owned slaves, but freed them in 1784. | Vocal proponent of abolishing the slave trade; advocated for strong national government powers that could discourage slavery. | [^87][^88][^89][^90] |
| Franklin, Benjamin | Pennsylvania | Confirmed | Former slaveholder; became president of Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery in 1787. | Vocal abolitionist; submitted petition to Congress for abolition. | [^6][^9] |
| Ingersoll, Jared | Pennsylvania | Confirmed | 1790 Pennsylvania Census shows he owned no slaves. Conflicting information from a prior source stated he owned three slaves. | Opposed slavery; was a delegate to the Federal Convention but took little part in its deliberations. | [^50][^51][^18.1] |
| Morris, Gouverneur | Pennsylvania | No Evidence of Ownership | No evidence of direct slave ownership in provided sources. | Outspoken opponent of slavery; condemned it as "nefarious institution." | [^20][^29][^61] |
| Morris, Robert | Pennsylvania | Confirmed (No direct ownership) | Did not personally own slaves in 1787, but owned a slave ship and invested in slave-operated plantations (indirect financial interest). | "Borderline case" due to indirect participation in slave trade; no direct advocacy against slavery mentioned in provided sources. | [^5] |
| Mifflin, Thomas | Pennsylvania | Confirmed | Manumitted all his slaves in 1774-1775. | Active anti-slavery advocate; helped pass anti-slavery legislation in Delaware in 1787. | [^13] |
| Wilson, James | Pennsylvania | Confirmed | 1790 Pennsylvania Census shows he owned no slaves. While Wikipedia previously claimed he owned one household slave, this is not supported by the 1790 census. | Opposed explicit recognition of "property in man" in Constitution; a principal architect of the executive branch and supporter of proportional representation. | [^46][^19.1] |
| Williamson, Hugh | North Carolina | Confirmed | Explicitly stated as "not an enslaver." | Prioritized Union over abolition; argued NC would not join Union if slave trade banned. | [^16] |
| Wythe, George | Virginia | Confirmed (Manumitted during 1787) | Owned 9 "blacks" according to 1782-85 Virginia Census. Transferred ownership of 11 slaves in October 1787, and freed his last three slaves in 1788. While some accounts mention a "deathbed" manumission, earlier actions are documented. | Argued publicly and privately against slavery; urged emancipation. | [^7][^12][^20.1][^20.2][^21.1] |
4. Advocacy and Stances on Slavery by Non-Slave-Owning Delegates in 1787
Among the delegates who did not own slaves in 1787 (or had manumitted them), their advocacy and stances on the institution varied, often reflecting a pragmatic approach rooted in political realities rather than a singular, uncompromising call for immediate, universal abolition. While some held strong moral objections, their efforts frequently focused on limiting the institution's reach or preventing its expansion, recognizing the formidable opposition from Southern states.
Key Figures and Their Positions:
- Baldwin, Abraham (Georgia): While conflicting sources exist, the Online Library of Liberty ([^16]) states Baldwin was an "enslaver but perhaps an ambivalent one." The University of Georgia's ehistory.org notes it is "not known whether Baldwin owned slaves," with a biographer speculating he "probably did not." He disapproved of the slave trade and voted for its prohibition in the Northwest Territory. However, he also argued that slavery was a "local nature" issue and that Georgia would view the Constitution with suspicion if it endangered the slave trade.[^16][^34][^68][^91]
- Bassett, Richard (Delaware): Owned slaves at the start of 1787 but freed them after converting to Methodism in 1787. He actively campaigned for abolition in Delaware.[^10][^25]
- Broom, Jacob (Delaware): Despite signing a petition to abolish slavery in 1787, a later census report indicates he owned one slave in his household. His specific views during the Convention are not detailed, but his actions reflect a complex position on the issue.[^32][^4.1][^4.2]
- Clymer, George (Pennsylvania): Although he briefly inherited an enslaved person as a child (who died shortly thereafter), Clymer was an active proponent against the slave trade at the Convention. He unsuccessfully attempted to regulate the importation of slaves and supported an "export tax" which would indirectly tax slavery, aligning himself with anti-slavery efforts.[^75][^84][^85][^86]
- Dickinson, John (Delaware): Having manumitted his slaves in 1786, Dickinson opposed any constitutional authorization of slave importation, considering it "inadmissible on every principle of honor and safety".[^16]
- Ellsworth, Oliver (Connecticut): Explicitly stating he had "never owned a slave," Ellsworth believed that "slavery in time will not be a speck in our country" and advised against federal intervention, suggesting the issue should be left to the states. He also accused slaveholders from Maryland and Virginia of hypocrisy for opposing the slave trade, noting their enslaved populations multiplied faster, making importation less necessary.[^16][^23][^22][^1.2][^1.5]
- Fitzsimons, Thomas (Pennsylvania): Fitzsimons, who had freed his enslaved people in 1784, was a vocal proponent of abolishing the slave trade in the newly formed nation. He advocated for a strong national government and for Congress to have powers to impose tariffs on imports and exports, implicitly supporting economic measures that could discourage slavery.[^87][^88][^89][^90]
- Franklin, Benjamin (Pennsylvania): As president of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery in 1787, Franklin became a vocal abolitionist. He later submitted a petition to Congress for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade shortly before his death.[^6][^9]
- Gerry, Elbridge (Massachusetts): Gerry opposed both the Three-Fifths Compromise and slavery itself. His opposition to the compromise was partly rooted in a general distrust of proportional representation and a desire to avoid granting political power based on enslaved populations.[^65][^67]
- Gilman, Nicholas (New Hampshire): The 1790 New Hampshire census indicates he owned no slaves. While some sources claim he owned a slave named Peter, this conflicts with the census data. He voted to pass an act prohibiting slavery in the northwestern United States, indicating opposition to its expansion.[^49][^8.1][^17.1]
- Gorham, Nathaniel (Massachusetts): From a state that had effectively abolished slavery, Gorham expressed views on the Three-Fifths Compromise that focused on its economic implications for Massachusetts, rather than explicitly on the morality of slavery. He also noted that the Constitution allowed Congress to prohibit the importation of slaves after 1808, viewing it as a pragmatic step.[^5][^53][^69]
- Houston, William Churchill (New Jersey): Houston expressed opposition to slavery and proposed that it be heavily taxed, suggesting a desire to disincentivize the institution through economic means. His slave-owning status at the time of the Convention remains without definitive evidence, as the 1790 New Jersey census is unavailable for direct corroboration of claims from one historical book.[^63]
- Ingersoll, Jared (Pennsylvania): The 1790 Pennsylvania Census shows he owned no slaves, which is strong evidence for his status around 1787. He was a delegate to the Federal Convention but took little part in its deliberations.[^50][^51][^18.1]
- King, Rufus (Massachusetts): From a state that had effectively abolished slavery by 1787, King consistently opposed the expansion of slavery into new territories. He found the counting of enslaved people for representation to be "a most grating circumstance" and argued that the importation of enslaved people made America less secure. He had also introduced a resolution in the Continental Congress to prohibit slavery in the Northwest Territory.[^16][^38][^49][^53]
- Langdon, John (New Hampshire): Langdon, who grew up in a slave-owning family but likely either never inherited slaves or had already emancipated them, wanted to enable Congress to ban the slave trade. He expressed distrust that Southern states would voluntarily end the practice on their own and is noted for treating enslaved individuals as paid domestic servants by 1783, indicating a disapproval of slavery.[^1.1][^1.3][^1.7]
- Livingston, William (New Jersey): Though he owned slaves at the start of 1787, Livingston freed two enslaved individuals (Bell and Lambert) during 1787. He was a member of the New York Manumission Society and actively tried to pass emancipation laws in New Jersey. His actions demonstrate a clear commitment to ending slavery.[^24]
- Mifflin, Thomas (Pennsylvania): Having manumitted his slaves before 1787, Mifflin was an active anti-slavery advocate. In 1787, he lobbied for and helped pass significant anti-slavery legislation in Delaware, prohibiting the exportation and importation of slaves into the state.[^13]
- Morris, Gouverneur (Pennsylvania): Morris was one of the most outspoken opponents of slavery at the Convention, declaring he "never would concur in upholding domestic slavery" and condemned it as a "nefarious institution" and "the curse of heaven." He vividly contrasted the prosperity of free states with the "misery and poverty" prevalent in slave states.[^20][^29][^61]
- Morris, Robert (Pennsylvania): While not a direct slave owner in 1787, Morris had indirect financial interests through slave ship ownership and investments in slave-operated plantations (indirect financial interest). He is noted as a "borderline case" due to this indirect participation. His stance on slavery was not explicitly one of opposition in the provided sources, focusing more on economic considerations.[^5]
- Paterson, William (New Jersey): Paterson pointed out the "shame" associated with the term "slaves" in the Articles of Confederation, suggesting a discomfort with the institution.[^62]
- Sherman, Roger (Connecticut): Roger Sherman was personally opposed to slavery and actively worked against its expansion and political power. The 1790 census for New Haven, Connecticut, confirms he owned no slaves at that time. He is noted for attempting to ensure only free inhabitants were counted for representation and for expressing disappointment with the slave trade, though he pragmatically compromised for national unity.[^16][^23][^46][^52][^53][^1.1][^2.1][^3.1]
- Strong, Caleb (Massachusetts): Described as an abolitionist, Strong came from Massachusetts, a state that had effectively abolished slavery by 1783. While his state later objected to the Three-Fifths Compromise primarily on economic grounds, his personal stance aligned with abolitionist views.[^64][^65][^66]
- Williamson, Hugh (North Carolina): Identified as "not an enslaver," Williamson argued that North Carolina and other Southern states would not be able to join the Union if Congress were to ban the slave trade, emphasizing the "local nature" of slavery. His stance demonstrates that even delegates without direct personal involvement in slavery could prioritize regional economic and political stability over abolitionist principles.[^16]
- Wilson, James (Pennsylvania): The 1790 Pennsylvania Census indicates he owned no slaves. He was a principal architect of the executive branch and a strong supporter of proportional legislative representation. He opposed explicit recognition of "property in man" in the Constitution and, along with Roger Sherman and Charles Pinckney, proposed the Three-fifths Compromise.[^46][^19.1]
- Wythe, George (Virginia): Owned slaves at the start of 1787, with the 1782-85 Virginia Census showing he owned 9 "blacks." He subsequently transferred ownership of 11 slaves in October 1787 and freed his last three slaves in 1788. He was a strong advocate against slavery and for emancipation, arguing publicly and privately against it.[^7][^12][^20.1][^20.2][^21.1]
5. Complexities and Contradictions: Nuanced Views on Slavery
The Constitutional Convention was a crucible of conflicting ideals, nowhere more apparent than in the debates surrounding slavery. The positions taken by delegates were often complex, revealing internal contradictions and a pragmatic approach to nation-building. Many delegates, including prominent slave owners, expressed moral reservations about the institution, even as their economic realities or political calculations led them to defend or compromise on its continuation.
For instance, George Washington, despite owning hundreds of enslaved individuals throughout his life, expressed an increasing desire to be "clear" of slavery during the Revolutionary War and ultimately made the singular decision among the Founding Fathers to free all the enslaved people he owned in his will.[^11] Similarly, Benjamin Franklin, who had owned slaves earlier in his life, became a leading figure in the abolitionist movement by 1787, serving as president of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery and submitting a petition to Congress for abolition shortly before his death.[^6][^9] James Madison, a Virginian who inherited over 100 enslaved people and continued to own them in 1787, expressed personal discomfort with slavery and supported colonization as a potential solution, yet he never freed his own enslaved workers during his lifetime.[^26][^27] His defense of the Three-Fifths Compromise in Federalist No. 54 illustrates the pragmatic justifications employed to protect the institution within the constitutional framework, framing it as a representation of enslaved persons' "mixed status as property and persons".[^26] George Mason, a slave owner of hundreds in 1787, passionately spoke against slavery and the slave trade, calling it an "infernal traf[f]ic" and asserting that "Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant".[^1][^2][^3][^16][^18][^28][^29] Luther Martin, a slaveholder himself in 1787, condemned the slave trade as "inconsistent with the principles of the revolution and dishonorable to the American character".[^1][^2][^16][^18][^30] John Dickinson went further, manumitting his dozens of enslaved people in 1786, before the Convention, and opposing any constitutional authorization of slave importation.[^8][^16] George Wythe also transferred ownership of his enslaved people in 1787 and became a strong advocate against slavery and for emancipation.[^7][^12] Thomas Mifflin similarly manumitted his enslaved individuals before 1787 and became an active anti-slavery advocate, lobbying for voluntary manumissions and co-founding abolition societies.[^13] These examples demonstrate that slave ownership did not uniformly equate to an unyielding pro-slavery stance, and many delegates wrestled with the moral implications of the institution.
The Convention's deliberations ultimately resulted in several major compromises that protected slavery, reflecting the political power of the Southern states and the delegates' overarching desire for national unity.
- The Three-Fifths Compromise: Southern delegates, led by figures like Charles Pinckney, insisted that enslaved people should be counted fully for purposes of representation in Congress due to their large populations, arguing it was "nothing more than justice".[^1] Northern delegates, conversely, argued against counting enslaved people at all, viewing them as property and fearing an unfair political advantage for the South.[^1] The contentious debate was resolved by counting "three-fifths of all other persons" (enslaved individuals) for both representation and direct taxes, significantly increasing the political power of Southern states in the House of Representatives and the Electoral College.[^1][^18][^62][^71]
- The Slave Trade Clause: Delegates from North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia vehemently argued for the continuation of the international slave trade, threatening to leave the Union if it were prohibited.[^1][^2][^3][^22] Despite strong opposition from many delegates, a compromise was reached, allowing Congress to ban the international slave trade only after 1808.[^1][^18][^69][^72] This 20-year delay tragically resulted in the importation of tens of thousands more enslaved Africans into the United States.[^1]
- The Fugitive Slave Clause: Southern delegates, including Pierce Butler and Charles Pinckney, demanded a mechanism for the return of runaway slaves to their owners.[^1][^73] The resulting clause mandated their return without explicitly using the word "slave" or granting national validation of "property in man".[^1][^46][^74] This deliberate ambiguity, while avoiding direct sanction of human property, created a framework that led to decades of legal and moral controversies.[^1][^74]
These compromises were not accidental; they were deliberate choices made to secure the formation of the Union.[^1][^2][^18] The framers widely believed that these concessions were "the price for the support of southern delegates for a strong central government".[^2][^18] This reveals a deep-seated conviction that the immediate abolition of slavery would have fractured the nascent nation, leading to its collapse before it could even fully establish itself. Consequently, the Constitution emerged as a document that simultaneously articulated ideals of liberty and equality while, by necessity, protecting the institution of slavery. This inherent contradiction created what Abraham Lincoln later described as a "house divided".[^1] This foundational tension laid the groundwork for profound future sectional conflicts, ultimately culminating in the Civil War, demonstrating that the framers, by sidestepping the issue's full moral implications for the sake of political unity, left a complex and violent legacy for subsequent generations.
6. Conclusion: The Legacy of Compromise and Unresolved Tensions
The analysis of the 1787 Constitutional Convention reveals a profound and enduring tension at the heart of the American founding. While precise figures vary among historical accounts, a substantial proportion of the 55 delegates were direct slave owners at the time of the Convention. A smaller, yet significant, group of delegates did not own slaves in 1787, including some who had actively emancipated enslaved individuals.
The relationship of these individuals with slavery was far from uniform. Many delegates, including prominent direct slave owners, expressed deep moral qualms about the institution or actively advocated for its gradual abolition or restriction. Their personal struggles and evolving views underscore the complex moral landscape of the era. Conversely, some delegates who did not own slaves in 1787, particularly from Northern states, adopted a pragmatic stance, prioritizing the imperative of forming a unified nation over immediate or universal abolition. This approach often meant acquiescing to Southern demands to ensure their participation in the new federal government.
The Convention's resulting compromises—the Three-Fifths Compromise, the Slave Trade Clause, and the Fugitive Slave Clause—were critical in securing the ratification of the Constitution. These provisions, carefully worded to avoid explicit mention of "slavery" while providing its protections, were deemed essential to prevent the Southern states from withdrawing from the Union. This historical reality demonstrates that the framers, faced with the daunting task of forging a cohesive nation from disparate states, chose political expediency over the full realization of their stated ideals of liberty and equality. This inherent contradiction profoundly shaped the nation's trajectory for decades, leading to immense moral, social, and political struggles that ultimately culminated in civil war and continue to resonate in contemporary discussions about American history and identity.
Footnotes
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[^1.3]: Did NH Governor John Langdon Own Slaves? - SeacoastNH.com. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.seacoastnh.com/History/Histo ... ?showall=1
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